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CHRIS UHLMANN: Was your husband involved in the distribution of this pamphlet?
JACKIE KELLY: Well, I've read the alleged pamphlet and when I first read it I had to laugh because I think everyone who reads it has their first instinct is to laugh, pretty much everyone who's read chuckles in terms of the parody it does make of various things that have happened during the campaign.
So my view is that it's a bit of Chaser-style prank that an ALP goon squad, which I understand was is led by some unionists, have chased down and hunted down and tried to intimidate and I understand there was even a fight, so yes, I think it was all a very…
CHRIS UHLMANN: But just to establish it, your husband and two colleagues were handing out this pamphlet?
JACKIE KELLY: Well, my understanding is they were letterboxing…
CHRIS UHLMANN: This pamphlet?
JACKIE KELLY: Well, I don't know. Well, I don't know, allegedly. Allegedly.
CHRIS UHLMANN: And this pamphlet says it comes from an Islamic organisation that doesn't exist? It says the ALP wants the Bali bombers forgiven and supports the construction of a mosque in western Sydney. What's funny about that?
So how good is [my] model using previous elections?
In 1998, the model predicted an ALP TPP of 50.82 whereas the actual result was 50.91
In 2001 the model predicted an ALP TPP of 49.15 whereas the actual result was 49.07.
In 2004 the model predicted an ALP TPP of 47.23 whereas the actual result was 47.20.
So what is the forecast for the election?
An ALP two party preferred result of 55.15%
The message is clear - the game is over.
That is what makes it so dangerous.
The polls are consistent, the fantasy of “Liberal strategists” being able to hide under the petticoat of fictitious marginal seat polling because “they’re closer than the national polls suggest” now looks like the façade it actually always was. The media have picked their winner, Uncle Rupert has moved behind Rudd in The Oz to match what has in reality been happening with his Tabloids and the Smage for weeks. This very morning Centrebet blew out to $4.60 - reflecting that even the punters are starting to get it, punters which haven’t got very much at all over the last 5 months.
There is risk and plenty of it over the next 7 days to E-Day, but it’s not downside risk for the ALP vote, it’s the risk of a collapse in Coalition support.
We’re looking at almost a 7% swing, in 2PP terms, which would make it one of the biggest “swing” elections in Australian political history as well (Labor got a 7.1pp swing in 1969, but failed to win office; Labor suffered a 7.4pp swing against it in 1975; Howard won office with 5.1pp swing in 1996).
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We see evidence of a trend away from Labor from September 1 onwards, reaching its peak in the first week of the campaign, at which point Labor has shedding about 0.05pp of 2PP vote share, or about a percentage point every 3 weeks. It looks like that trend is continuing, but the evidence for it is weaker later in the campaign. And in any event, 1 percentage point every 3 weeks, or 2 percentage points over the course of the campaign isn’t enough to bring the election back for the government.
Barring something amazing in this last week, or a marginal seats miracle, Labor will win, and win comfortably.
History shows the polls don’t lie. That was a title of an article I wrote for the Australian Financial Review in the lead-up to the 1996 election, in which I predicted a50-seat majority for John Howard. After this duly occurred, the AFR asked me to explain how I did it and this duly appeared as Maligned opinion polls got it right.
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The perception that the polls lie arises from a selective reading of immediate pre-election polls at past elections. Although the vagaries of sampling error are routinely acknowledged, they are often forgotten when pundits look at the polls which emerge on the Thursday before the election.
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In the 24 elections from 1946-2004, projections made from the aggregated polls produced an average overestimate in predictions for the ALP TPP of 0.6% (graph below). In the worst case (1987), the error in the TPP was 3.8%. In half the elections, the error was less than 1%. There are differences among pollsters (the “house effect”), but these tend to cancel one another out, so that the average of all pollsters has nearly always proved to be the best estimator.
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...“elections are won and lost in the marginals”. In theory this again is true but, in practice the average swing in the marginal seats rarely differs from the nation-wide swing. ... Thus, if campaign effort has been concentrated in the marginal seats over the years, then the efforts of both sides must have cancelled at almost every election. Only 1998 bucks this trend.
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The bottom line is that the weighted national swing is likely to be about 8.2% and the final national TPP about 55.5%- this would give a most likely number of seats for the ALP of 97. The different methods contributing to the weighted results give projected TPPs of 53.8% to 57.3%, and seat numbers ranging from 94 to 102, which is not symmetric about 97 seats, mainly because the clustering of seats on this part of the pendulum is not homogenous. In this region of the pendulum, every 1% swing can produce a 14-seat majority change.
Monte Carlo simulations based on the weighted data show that about 19 out of 20 elections conducted under these conditions would produce a TPP of between 54.7% and 56.3% (55.5% is in the middle of this range) and a 95% confidence limit for the number of ALP seats of 87-104.
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It would take a political sensation of biblical proportions for the Coalition to win from here or, as Antony Green has said, the greatest come-from-behind victory in history. The chance of the Coalition pulling the ALP TPP vote back to Tiger Territory in the region of 50.6% in the absence of such a sensation, or in the absence of the statistics going pear-shaped, is ridiculously small.
CHRIS UHLMANN: This argument on experience, this argument on experience, saying you can't replace experience with inexperience is a self-annihilating argument. If you argue that then you would never change governments, would you?
ANDREW ROBB: But people need to look long and hard at, you know, at what the circumstances, the economic circumstances are that are there.
Labor is promising to scrap our industrial relation laws which will only remove the checks and balances on inflation and risk an interest rate break-out.
Now, when, the thing is, when you look behind Labor's slogans, when you peek behind Labor's, there is nothing there. Nothing but what they've copied from us.
The rest of it, they have not done the policy work, they have not made a case for taking over government. And people do face a choice in an election.
Governments do change, but, but when they change the Opposition should have made a case. They should have established a set of policies, an alternative program and shown that they've got the ability to carry that through…
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CHRIS UHLMANN: But again, you can't argue that they have copied you, and that things will be radically different under them, can you?
ANDREW ROBB: No, they have, they have just parroted our policy programs…
CHRIS UHLMANN: So if it's the same, then why should people worry?
ANDREW ROBB: But they do not understand how to structure those policies. They have never done the work which has put those policies together, haven't got the experience to deal with and manage the economy, to find that mix of policy responses in difficult international economic times.
We are confronting, we are confronting some serious issues across the United States. We are confronting a booming economy. We've got a drought of major consequence. Now all of these things, all of these things, make if extraordinarily difficult to maintain strong growth.
CHRIS UHLMANN: And all are beyond your control.
ANDREW ROBB: This could all be put in jeopardy, Chris, by a Labor government which is union-dominated, which is inexperienced, which is, with a prime minister that would have to be beholden to a union movement that's put $30-million on the table to buy government in this country.
CHRIS UHLMANN: Andrew Robb, thank you.